Elections and Events 2000-2008


Conaghan 2005:  "By 2000, nine of the twelve top commanders in the army were classmates of Montesinos...Montesinos met regularly with high-ranking officers to confer on the reelection campaign...He ordered military and police officers in the provinces to submit regular reports about political coverage in the local media; the police also provided intelligence about local conditions and the activities of opposition candidates...Montesinos even used the military to recruit and pay civilians to pose as Perú 2000 partisans and act as the organization's poll watchers on election day" (page 165).  "Transparencia's damning findings undercut the government's position that everything was on track for a normal election in 2000.  So the government turned its energies to undercutting Transparencia.  Fujimori led the charge" (page 176).  "For Peru's opposition, any hope for a political transition depended on either rendering Montesinos's reelection machine inoperable (through intense international scrutiny) or exposing its crimes and making the elections illegitimate in the eyes of the world.  The battle lines were clearly drawn...The key issue of the 2000 campaign was the conduct of the election itself" (page 178).

Country profile.  Peru 2000:  "The ruling administration worked successfully in 1999 to discredit those perceived as the greatest threats to a Fujimori victory, in particular the mayor of Lima, Alberto Andrade, and the former head of the national health service, Luis Castañeda Lossio.  By the turn of 2000 the opposition had failed to agree on a single candidate to run against the president and nine candidates ran under separate banners.  With the security services and most of the media on his side, Mr Fujimori was firm favourite to win the election.  However, in the final months of the campaign, popular support for the opposition started to concentrate on Alejandro Toledo of Perú Posible" (page 7).

Dean 2002:  "In collaboration with pro-indigenous advocacy groups, the Defensoría del Pueblo implemented a civil rights media training project in the run-up to the 2000 general electoral campaign.  This included public service announcements and voter education via radio broadcasts in three indigenous languages" (pages 203-204).

Degregori 2008:  "In the first months of 2000...the Fujimori-Montesinos media machine methodically shredded every other presidential hopeful with a chance of winning.  Toledo rose to second in the polls as the last hope of the 50 percent of voters who wanted Fujimori out" (page 267).

Levitt 2002:  "In this atmosphere of utter disregard for constitutional norms, the 2000 electoral process was born under a bad sign.  Much of the media continued to display a striking bias in favor of the incumbent and engaged in slander and disinformation about opposition candidates and domestic and international observers.  Media support for Fujimori was achieved through an elaborate network of corruption, run by the National Intelligence Service, engaging in bribery, blackmail, trumped-up legal charges and hostile corporate takeovers" (pages 98-99).

NotiSur June 20, 2003:  The Comisión de la Verdad y la Reconciliación "was set up in 2001 by interim president Valentin Paniagua (2000-2001) to investigate the violations of human rights between 1980 and 2000...The comission was given two years to determine the causes of the violence, find ways to compensate the victims, recommend reforms to prevent future atrocities, and if possible gather information to identify human rights violators for state prosecutors" (electronic edition).

Palmer 2004:  "As the elections of 2000 approached...government agencies became increasingly used for partisan political objectives...Between 1998 and the April 2000 elections...government agencies were turned into promoters of Fujimori's re-reelection" (page 102).

The state of democracy:  democracy assessments in eight nations around the world 2002:  "President Alberto Fujimori was dismissed by Congress in November 2000 amid a scandal which revealed the depths of the regime's corrupt and undemocratic practices.  The President and a number of senior advisers are suspected of embezzlement" (page 60).

The state of democracy:  democracy assessments in eight nations around the world 2002:  "Women's increased involvement in politics is one of the most significant changes attributable to the Fujimori government.  A 25 percent women's quota on party lists for congressional and municipal elections led to a doubling of the number of female representatives in Congress in 2000 and an increase of between 8 and 18 per cent in local government" (page 66).


Conaghan 2005:  "The JNE finalized the legal registration of presidential candidates in early January 2000; the general elections for president and congress were scheduled for April 9.  In the tradition of previous presidential elections, a second-round runoff would take place in the presidential race if no candidate received the required '50 percent plus 1' majority in the balloting.  Alberto Andrade, Luis Castañeda, and Alejandro Toledo were considered to be Fujimori's principal challengers from the start of the race" (pages 178-179).

Keesing's record of world events January 2000:  "(O)n Jan. 1 the national election board, currently dominated by Fujimori's supporters, ratified the President's registration as a candidate.  Thousands of people took to the streets to voice their opposition to Fujimori's bid for a third presidential term" (electronic edition).


Conaghan 2005:  Discusses a number of "clandestine reelection operations," including "a ‘fábrica de firmas' (signature factory), an illicit operation mounted to forge signatures on petitions to register one of the Perú 2000 coalition partners, the Frente Independiente Nacional Perú 2000" (page 180).  "From the government's perspective, the timing of the signature factory scandal could not have been worse.  It coincided with the official start of Misión de Observación Electoral (MOE), the electoral observation mission of the OAS.  Strategically speaking, MOE was the most important player among the observers" (page 182).

Country profile.  Peru 2000:  "February:  Opposition candidates and the media complain of harassment by government officials and supporters.  International observers, including the [OAS], Transparencia and the Carter Center, announce that the government is failing to meet the standards necessary for the conduct of free and fair elections" (page 8).

McClintock 2003:  "Probably in the hope that the low electoral standards of previous OAS electoral missions would continue, the Fujimori government vigorously sought the establishment of an OAS mission for the 2000 elections.  Finally, in mid-February 2000, U.S. State Department provided about $560,000 for the OAS Misión de Observación Electoral" (page 148).  "The prospects that Fujimori would win without rigging the election diminished on February 29, when a major scandal erupted.  Peru's most serious newspaper, ‘El Comercio,' published a five-page report on the falsification of 1.2 million signatures for the inscription of Perú 2000 (Fujimori's electoral vehicle) as a competing party in the 2000 elections...For U.S. government officials and for election monitors who were not familiar with recent Peruvian politics, the scandal eroded Fujimori's credibility.  For Peru's political opposition, the scandal represented a new opportunity for its message to be heard both within Peru and abroad" (page 149).


Conaghan 2005:  "To the government's dismay, MOE joined in the battle to keep up pressure for reform through its own ‘boletín' (bulletin).  In its first mid-March bulletin, MOE concurred with other observers that the electoral conditions remained far from satisfactory, pointing to the growing lack of confidence in the JNE, ONPE, and the voter-registration bureau, Registro Nacional de Identificación y Estado Civil...Frustrated by their inability to quell the criticisms, ‘oficialistas' began blasting the observers, taking special aim at the Carter Center-NDI mission" (page 184).  "By the end of March, the Fujimori administration was losing its public relations battle to project the 2000 election as a free, fair, normal election" (page 185).  "(I)n March...Toledo broke through in the polls, becoming the leading challenger to Fujimori...By the end of March, Toledo pulled within five percentage points of Fujimori...As the race tightened, concerns about the conditions at the polls and about a possible manipulation of the vote on election day grew exponentially among opposition leaders and observers" (page 187).

Country profile.  Peru 2000:  "(I)n March 2000 FNIP was accused of having forged a large number of the signatures it had used to gain its electoral status and allegations were made that the Oficina Nacional de Procesos Electorales...was involved in the forgery" (page 7).  "The [JNE] receives complaints that public servants and funds are being used for the government's Perú 2000 election campaign, but fails to respond.  International observers stress again that conditions are neither free nor fair for elections" (page 8).

Keesing's record of world events March 2000:  "The National Elections Board rejected calls in early March to nullify [Fujimori's] bid for an unprecedented third term despite the emergence of allegations that some 1 million forged signatures had been used to register his candidacy...Fujimori on March 9 decreed a 20 per cent increase in the minimum wage...The announcement was denounced by the opposition as a blatant attempt to bribe the electorate" (electronic edition).

April 9:  general election, first round of presidential election

Burt 2007:  "On the day of the vote, exit polls gave Toledo a solid lead of 48 percent over Fujimori's 41 percent.  Though not an outright victory for Toledo (Peru's electoral laws require 50 percent plus one of the vote, otherwise a second round is held between the top-two vote-getters) this meant that Fujimori would be forced into a second round vote that would be more difficult to manage.  Later that evening, however, the quick-count vote reversed the percentage points, giving Fujimori nearly 48 percent and Toledo 41 percent...Other opposition leaders joined Toledo in a massive protest at the Sheraton Hotel in downtown Lima and accused the [ONPE] of perpetrating ‘electronic fraud'...The following day, the ONPE declared that with tallies from 39 percent of polling stations counted, Fujimori had 49.88 of the vote versus Toledo's 39.88" (page 237).  Describes developments.

Conaghan 2005:  "All of the exit polls concluded that the vote for Alejandro Toledo exceeded that for Fujimori" (page 190).  "Speculating that a first-round victory might be within reach, Toledo urged supporters to wait for the quick-count projection promised by the national election observation organization, Transparencia.  The jubilation was short-lived...The same pollsters that had put Toledo in the lead were now reversing their projections...Transparencia put Fujimori ahead with 48.73 percent of the vote to Toledo's 41.04 percent...Broadcast television showed none of the drama that night.  Montesinos's media executives were on the job" (page 191).  Gives details of post election events (pages 191-197).  "April 9 produced another important, immediate problem that required fixing.  The congressional elections, run concurrently with the first round of the presidential election, produced 52 seats for the president's Perú 2000 organization.  The number fell short of the absolute majority the government previously enjoyed" (page 211).  "If previous experience was a guide, many legislators could be convinced to jump ship and either formally affiliate with the Perú 2000 caucus or vote with it, if the enticements were sufficient.  Montesinos later maintained that Fujimori directly gave the order to begin ‘Operation Recruitment' in order to secure the votes needed to keep the congress under control" (212).  Describes the operation (pages 212-214).

Country profile.  Peru 2000:  "Seat distribution in Congress, 2000" (page 7).

Country report.  Peru July 2000:  "Presidential election first round results, Apr 9th 2000" (page 13).  Gives the name, party, total votes, percent of votes, and percent of valid votes for nine presidential candidates.  "Congressional election results, Apr 9th 2000" (page 14).  For ten parties gives number of votes, percent of votes cast, percent of valid votes, and number of seats.

Degregori 2008:  "Toledo successfully prevented [Fujimori] from winning a first-round victory...(T)he Fujimori demolition machine created a window of opportunity for the anti-Fujimori groups to declare Toledo their leader, a new alternative that Montesinos did not have time to attack.  In some sense, the rise of Toledo came about as an unintended side effect of Montesinos's smear campaign against more prominent adversaries" (page 267).

García Montero 2001:  "Las elecciones de 2000 mostraron a un país dividido entre la democracia y el autoritarismo que el estilo de gobernar de Fujimori había implantado en el país durante diez años...El PAP presentó como candidato a Abel Salinas, siendo aprobada su designación en el '53 Plenario Nacional' del partido" (page 430).

Jurado Nacional de Elecciones 2000:   Reproduces JNE resolutions and laws governing the 2000 election and additional articles from newspapers and other sources published prior to the election.

Keesing's record of world events April 2000:  "Peru held a highly charged presidential election on April 9 in which foreign observers and rival candidates accused incumbent President Alberto Keinya Fujimori of fraud...Observers pointed out that Fujimori had campaigned with government funds and had limited his opponents' access to major news media.  They also cited cases in which ballot sheets at several stations had been tampered with" (electronic edition).

Latin American monitor.  Andean group May 2000:  Discusses the election (pages 1, 8).  "In the congressional elections, no party won a majority:  Fujimori's Perú 2000 alliance won 51 of the 120 seats compared with 67 in the outgoing congress; Toledo's Perú Posible party was next with 28 seats; lastly the Frente Independiente Moralizador and the Somos Perú party won 9 each" (page 1).

Levitt 2002:  Gives details (page 99).

McClintock 2003:  "On April 9, the balloting for the first round of the presidential race went smoothly, but the counting did not.  Traditionally, exit polls were within 1 or percentage points of the official tally in presidential elections, and results were clear a few hours after the polls closed.  However, on this date, exit polls predicted that the vote for Toledo had surpassed the vote for Fujimori.  Then, an hour or two later, Fujimori was placed at 48 percent and Toledo at 42 percent by Transparencia's quick count-a result that mandated a second round but put Fujimori close to the 50 percent plus one vote that he needed for a first-round victory" (page 150).

Palmer 2000:  "Having set up the electoral machinery and procedures in his favor, President Fujimori surprised no one by deciding to run for a third, constitutionally dubious term in the national elections of 2000.  Unlike what had occurred in 1995, however, he came close (with over 49 percent of the valid vote) but did not secure an absolute majority in the first round, nor did his supporters win a majority in Congress.  He was forced into a runoff with second-place finisher Alejandro Toledo" (page 244).

Schmidt 2002:  Detailed discussion of the election.  "Official results for presidential election, first and second round" (page 353).  "Official results for congressional elections" (page 354).

The state of democracy:  democracy assessments in eight nations around the world 2002:  "The entire electoral system shows signs of executive manipulation, with electoral bodies and the laws altered to suit the needs of the government.  The 2000 elections showed that Peru possessed the institutions and appearance of a democracy, but neither the norms nor the essence" (page 63).  Provides a list of concerns about the elections.  "Observers monitoring the combined legislature and presidential elections in 2000 withdrew before the second round of polling, citing events which made free and fair elections impossible" (page 63). 

Tuesta Soldevilla 2001:  "Congreso 2000-2001.  Número de parlamentarios por partido político" (page 66).  "Congreso 2000-2001" (pages 71-73).  Gives members of congress with their "puesto electo,"  "puesto lista," "apellidos y nombres," "partido," and "voto preferencial."  "Congreso 2000-2001.  Congresistas que cambiaron de partido político entre el 9 de abril del 2000 y el 5 de enero del 2001" (page 74).  "Congreso 2000-2001.  Porcentaje del voto preferencial en el candidato con mayor votación y candidato cabeza de lista" (page 75).  "Elecciones generales 2000-primera vuelta.  Resultado nacional" (page 327).  Gives votes for each presidential candidate, "votos válidos," "votos blancos," "votos nulos," "votos emitidos," "ausentismo," and "total de inscritos."  "Elecciones generales 2000-primera vuelta.  Resultado departamental" (page 328).  Gives by department the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles."  "Elecciones generales 2000-primera vuelta.  Resultado provincial" (pages 329-336).  Gives by province the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles."  "Elecciones generales 2000-primera vuelta.  Resultado distrital-Lima metropolitana" (pages 337-338).  Gives by district the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles."  "Elecciones congreso 2000.  Resultado nacional" (page 339).  Gives the number of votes and percent of total vote for each party, "votos válidos," "votos blancos," "votos nulos," "votos emitidos," "ausentismo," and "total de inscritos."  "Elecciones congreso 2000.  Resultado departamental" (page 340).  Gives by department the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles."  "Elecciones congreso 2000.  Resultado provincial" (pages 341-348).  Gives by province the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles."  "Elecciones congreso 2000.  Resultado distrital-Lima metropolitana" (pages 349-350).  Gives by district the percentage of vote for each party, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and "inscritos miles." 

April 12

Keesing's record of world events April 2000:  "Ultimately, after strong pressure from the international community-including the threat of sanctions-the National Election Office on April 12 announced that Fujimori had failed to win a majority.  The announcement meant that there would be a runoff vote between Fujimori and Toledo" (electronic edition).

April 28

Burt 2007:  "(H)ad it not been for massive protests, careful documentation of the electoral fraud by watchdog groups such as Transparencia and the CNDH, and the presence of international observers, Fujimori may have gotten away with his plan to assure victory in the first round by obtaining a majority vote.  Instead, the regime was forced to agree to a second round vote.  The social opposition to Fujimori found in Toledo an actor in political society-despite the problematic nature of his leadership, and despite the fragility of his movement-who articulated their concerns and challenged the regime head-on" (pages 236-237).

Conaghan 2005:  "In contrast to ONPE's sluggish vote counting, JNE officials wasted no time in setting the date for the second-round runoff election.  As soon as ONPE delivered the official consolidated election results on April 28, the JNE board called a hasty meeting.  Later that evening, the JNE announced its decision to schedule the second-round runoff between Toledo and Fujimori for May 28, 2002 [should say 2000], a little less than a month away.  The rapid scheduling of the runoff favored Fujimori since it left little time to rectify all of the problems surrounding the electoral conditions and machinery that had marred the first round.  Toledo called for a postponement of the date to sometime in June" (page 198).  Discusses efforts by ONPE to legitimize the first round vote counts (pages 198-199).

Keesing's record of world events April 2000:  "Final results released in late April gave Fujimori 49.87 per cent of the valid votes cast, fewer than 14,000 short of the absolute majority which would have ensured him an outright win" (electronic edition).  Gives party and percent of total vote for each presidential candidate.

Latin American monitor.  Andean group May 2000:  "Allegations of vote-tampering have tarnished Peru's reputation and could also hit US financial support...(A)llegations of electoral irregularities were wide-spread...The delay in publishing results also fuelled suspicions of fraudulent counting.  With about 90% of the vote counted, Fujimori had 49.8%, just short of the 50% +1 vote necessary for a first-round victory.  Indeed, the situation was extraordinary because it seemed the government was deciding whether it could get away with declaring victory for the president...The election has severely damaged the president.  He was considered electorally invincible ahead of the vote; this illusion has now been dispelled.  The fraud allegations have further tarnished his reputation" (page 1).

May 17

Conaghan 2005:  "On May 17 [OAS Misión de Observación Electoral chief Eduardo Stein announced that MOE had concluded] that there was insufficient time to run the necessary technical checks on ONPE's new computer program for the second round" (page 199).

McClintock 2003:  "Suddenly, in mid-May, Peru's electoral authorities announced that it was introducing a new computer program for the vote count" (page 151).

May 18

Burt 2007:  "Toledo announced his decision to withdraw as a candidate just 10 days before the election in protest of the government's gross manipulation of the electoral process and its refusal to make basic changes to ensure a fair election.  International election observers followed suit, pulling their missions from observing the May 28 vote and dealing a serious blow to Fujimori's credibility at home and abroad" (pages 237-238).

Conaghan 2005:  "Stein's vote of no confidence in the computer system gave Toledo the opening to declare the election unsound.  In a dramatic midafternoon press conference on May 18, Toledo announced that he was withdrawing from the May 28 runoff, but with the proviso that he would continue to campaign and participate if a new date were set.  On the same day, the JNE ruled against Toledo's official petition for a postponement...Official reaction to Toledo's withdrawal was furious...(V)ice-presidential candidate Francisco Tudela...told campaign supporters that postponement was out of the question because it would violate electoral law and require a change of the constitution" (page 199).  "On the domestic side, thirteen political parties signed onto Toledo's call for a postponement, as did Transparencia.  On the international side, the EU election observation mission and Human Rights Watch endorsed the call for a postponement.  In contrast, Clinton administration officials were less adamant on the question of postponement" (page 200).

Country report.  Peru July 2000:  Eduardo Stein "stated that inconsistencies in the results of the first round of elections needed to be investigated before a second round could take place.  For example, at least 1m more votes than registered voters were cast in the first round.  ONPE's new computerised vote-counting system was also heavily criticised, and the official results were not announced for over two weeks.  When the first results were released, they differed radically from three independent exit polls, which had suggestd that Mr Toledo would win" (pages 13-14).  "Most of the alleged irregularities occurred in the congressional vote.  The so-called preferential vote allowed the electorate to choose two candidates from any one party, but where no choice was made ONPE members were accused of selecting candidates themselves" (page 14). 

Degregori 2008:  "Toledo took advantage of his opportunity, situating himself at the head of the fight against authoritarianism, charging Fujimori with electoral fraud, and refusing to participate in the runoff election.  He found support for his decision in Eduardo Stein, the Guatemalan head of the [OAS] observer mission, who had the courage to call a spade a spade and warn that Fujimori indeed intended to commit fraud" (page 267).

McClintock 2003:  "(O)n May 18, a dismayed Stein announced that his team could not verify the new program in the mere ten days before the May 28 runoff, and asked for a postponement.  That afternoon, Toledo announced that he would boycott the runoff unless it were postponed until June 18 and improvements in electoral conditions were achieved.  A few hours later, the Fujimori government indicated that the date would not be postponed" (page 151).

May 24

Conaghan 2005:  "On May 24, journalist Fabian Salazar charged that he had been knifed by SIN agents and robbed of secret videotapes in his possession.  He said that the tapes showed Montesinos in clandestine meetings with members of the JNE, media executives, and other high-ranking officials" (page 200).  "As Peruvians eventually found out, Salazar was telling the truth" (page 201).

May 25

Conaghan 2005:  "On the afternoon of May 25, the JNE put an end to the rumors that the government would back down.  In a ruling approved by three of the five board members, the JNE declared that the election could not be postponed, nor would it permit Toledo to withdraw his name from the ballot" (page 201).

Country report.  Peru July 2000:  "(T)he [JNE] rejected this appeal on May 25th.  As a result, representatives of the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs and the Carter Centre..., who have conducted missions to observe the electoral process in Peru since November 1999, withdrew, stating that an election held on May 28th ‘would not meet minimum standards for credible democratic elections.'  A similar stance was taken by observer missions from the [OAS] and the EU, by Transparencia, a local observer group, and by the office of the ombudsman" (page 12).  "Mr Toledo initially requested that the electorate boycott the polls, but as voters are fined if they fail to vote, he subsequently changed his strategy, encouraging the spoiling of ballot papers with the slogan ‘no al fraude'" (page 13).

McClintock 2003:  "The next week, the various parties negotiated intensely.  Stein, U.S. officials, and Latin American leaders urged the postponement of the runoff.  Finally, however, on May 25 these appeals were rejected by the Fujimori government" (page 151).

May 28:  presidential election, second round (Fujimori)

Conaghan 2005:  "Across Peru, Sunday's voting took place with no scrutiny other than that provided by ONPE and military guards.  Trying to counter Toledo's initial call for a mass boycott of the election, ONPE waged a weeklong media campaign, reminding voters of the hefty fine (equivalent to US$33) levied on absentees.  Realizing that the fine would be too much of a burden for most Peruvians, Toledo backed off the boycott, asking voters to spoil their ballots by writing in the slogan of the opposition, ‘No al fraude'...Spoiled ballots accounted for at least 29 percent of the vote.  The figure constituted the highest percentage ever in a presidential election.  As stipulated by election law, the null and blank votes were tossed out of the final calculation, leaving Fujimori with 74 percent of the valid vote" (page 202).  Describes election results (pages 202-203).

Country report.  Peru July 2000:  "The second round of the presidential election took place on May 28th, despite the withdrawal of the opposition candidate, Alejandro Toledo.  Mr Fujimori won 51.2% of the vote" (page 12).  "(M)ore spoiled votes were cast than in any previous election with 31.1% of votes declared invalid, and Mr Fujimori won the election, taking 74.3% of valid votes" (page 13).  "Presidential election second round results, May 28th 2000" (page 13). 

Keesing's record of world events May 2000:  "Although voting was compulsory in Peru Toledo asked his supporters to express their protests either by abstaining or by spoiling their ballot papers.  Toledo's boycott, together with the decision of the [OAS] on May 26 to withdraw its international observers, meant that the only scrutinisers present at the election were from the pro-Fujimori alliance Peru 2000.  Turnout was estimated at around half of that recorded at the first round on April 9" (electronic edition).

Latin American monitor.  Andean group July 2000:  "President Alberto Fujimori secured 51.2% of the vote while Toledo won 17.7%.  Spoilt or void papers accounted for 31.1% of the ballots, indicating that Toledo's call for a boycott had a large measure of support" (page 8).

Palmer 2000:  "The best efforts of the international community, led by the OAS Election Observer Misssion, to ensure a free and fair voting process for the runoff were not successful.  Toledo withdrew in protest, international and domestic official observers declined to oversee the vote, and the incumbent won with 52 percent of the valid vote (about one-third of all ballots cast were spoiled in protest)" (page 244).

Schmidt 2002:  Detailed discussion of the election.  "Official results for presidential election, first and second round" (page 353). 

The state of democracy:  democracy assessments in eight nations around the world 2002:  "Official figures showed that 30 per cent of all ballots were spoiled in the second round of the presidential election-this indicates that there was widespread dissatisfaction among the electorate as well as among the opposition, who refused to accept the results" (page 64).

Tuesta Soldevilla 2001:  "Elecciones generales 2000-segunda vuelta.  Resultado nacional" (page 319).  Gives votes for each candidate, "votos válidos," "votos nulos," "votos blancos," "votos emitidos," "ausentismo," and "total de inscritos."  "Elecciones generales 2000-segunda vuelta.  Resultado departamental" (page 319).  Gives by department the percent of the vote for Perú Posible, Perú 2000, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and the "inscritos (miles)."  "Elecciones generales 2000-segunda vuelta.  Resultado provincial" (pages 320-325).  Gives by province the percent of the vote for Perú Posible, Perú 2000, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and the "inscritos (miles)."  "Elecciones generales 2000-segunda vuelta.  Resultado distrital-Lima metropolitana" (page 326).  Gives by district  the percent of the vote for Perú Posible, Perú 2000, "válidos," "blancos," "nulos," "emitidos," "ausentismo," and the "inscritos (miles)." 


Burt 2007:  "Opposition leaders and civil society groups continued to seek ways to challenge the regime.  Alejandro Toledo, the leading opposition candidate who claimed he was denied victory in the first round and who withdrew from the second round in light of the regime's failure to guarantee the integrity of the elections, called for a ‘third round' of struggle against the regime through street protests and mobilizations.  At the same time, the international community continued to intervene to push the regime toward reform.  The OAS reviewed the opposition charges of electoral fraud at a June 2000 meeting in Windsor, Canada, and though it fell short of calling for new elections, as the opposition was demanding, it did require the Fujimori regime to accept its role in mediating a dialogue between the government and the opposition on a series of reforms.  Yet, opposition protests and international condemnation notwithstanding, Fujimori had secured a third term in office" (page 213).

Conaghan 2005:  "By nearly beating Fujimori in the first round and by upsetting the second round with his withdrawal, Alejandro Toledo emerged as the de facto leader of the opposition" (page 208).  "The principal opposition leaders closed ranks with Toledo after the first and second rounds of the election, setting aside private doubts about Toledo's character at least momentarily.  Inside Lima's political circles, Toledo was not well regarded or even liked.  Prior to the 2000 election, he had not been a vocal critic of Fujimori nor had he worked on the opposition's major project, the referendum campaign to stop the reelection" (page 209).

Country report.  Peru July 2000:  "In the weeks following the second round, state institutions were anxious to lend credibility to Mr Fujimori's victory.  The JNE, having declared the elections valid, on June 13th officially handed over credentials to Mr Fujimori and his two vice-presidents, Francisco Tudela and Ricardo Márquez.  Five days earlier, the army and national police had officially recognised Mr Fujimori as their commander-in-chief, 50 days before his inauguration as president.  The army pledge traditionally takes place on the same day.  A joint statement by 12 opposition parties called the move unconstitutional" (page 13).  "Amid allegations of bribery, Mr Fujimori attempted to secure an overall majority, winning the support of five newly elected opposition congressmen-who declared their intention to defect from their parties even before being officially sworn in...More defections to Perú 2000 are likely to follow, and it appears inevitable that an overall majority will be eventually...attained" (page 14). 

Keesing's record of world events June 2000:  "At its General Assembly held in Windsor (Canada) on June 4-6, the [OAS] debated the issue of the recent election in Peru.  The chief of the OAS observer mission, Eduardo Stein, presented his assessment of the elections, concluding that the entire electoral process had been irregular.  Contrary to some expectations, the assembly did not openly question the legitimacy of President Alberto Keinya Fujimori's victory, but expressed its desire to help strengthen Peru's democratic institutions" (electronic edition).


Burt 2007:  "On July 27, 2000, the eve of Alberto Fujimori's swearing in as president of Peru for the third consecutive time, protestors from throughout the country converged on downtown Lima to challenge what they argued was an illegitimate electoral process...These mobilizations were so remarkable precisely because for most of the previous decade, social protest had been scarce" (page 189).  "The antiregime protests effectively reclaimed public space and helped breathe life into incipient social movements and revive preexisting social networks" (page 238).

Conaghan 2005:  "Organizers conceptualized La Marcha de los Cuatro Suyos as a dramatic challenge to the government's claim of democratic legitimacy and its arrogant exercise of power" (page 214).  "The ‘marcha' was planned as three days of protest to coincide with Fujimori's inauguration on July 28" (page 215).  "The violence was shocking.  Equally disturbing was the slow response by police and firefighters...Fujimori blasted the ‘marcha's' organizers as dangerous leftist terrorists and explicitly accused them of planning to burn down the congress during the inauguration" (page 217).  "The attack was intended for international as well as local consumption...After the regime fell, the national chief of police...admitted that the opposition's suppositions about what had happened were correct, that SIN agents had infiltrated the ‘marcha' and recruited vandals for the violence" (page 218).

Country report.  Peru July 2000:  "A third consecutive government headed by Alberto Fujimori will take office on July 28th for a further five-year term...But for many domestic and international observers the government now resembles a ‘de facto' dictatorshp" (page 12).  

Degregori 2008:  "The massive protest march, on July 28, 2000, convulsed Lima and forced Fujimori to take his third oath of office in the safety of Armed Forces Headquarters rather than in Congress" (page 267).

Latin American monitor.  Andean group August 2000:  "The president has reinforced his political support by gaining control of congress.  Fujimori's party fell nine seats short of a majority at the elections, but since then five lawmakers have switched from the opposition and more are considering a move...There have also been allegations of bribery.  Given that Fujimori now holds a majority, congressional petitions for fresh elections and the dismissal of Fujimori will be rejected" (page 1).

NotiSur August 4, 2000:  "Peru's President Alberto Fujimori took the oath of office for an unprecedented third term on July 28...Fujimori was elected to his third term in a fraud-tainted election boycotted by the opposition.  International observers, including the Organization of American States (OAS) and the Atlanta-based Carter Center, left before the elections took place because of the government's unwillingness to address the serious problems.  International monitors said the election did not meet minimum standards of fairness, and they refused to lend it legitimacy by overseeing it...Protests, led by opposition leader Alejandro Toledo, began July 26 with the Marcha de los Cuatro Suyos, a reference to the four cardinal points of the Inca empire.   On the evening of July 27, an estimated 80,000 demonstrators staged the biggest protest of Fujimori's decade in power" (electronic edition).


Philip 2003:   "On 21 August there were public revelations to the effect that Vladimir Montesinos had been involved in arms trafficking to the Colombian FARC.  This certainly caused serious annoyance to the CIA and to Washington in general" (page 171).


Burt 2007:  "On September 15, 2000, a video was aired on television that showed Montesinos bribing an opposition congressman to quit his party and join the progovernment party.  This image provided incontrovertible evidence that the opposition's accusations of massive fraud and corruption of the political process were in fact true...The regime imploded from within, its power base destroyed by the images of corruption on videotape.  The scandal that was the catalyst to regime breakdown would likely not have had as explosive an impact, however, had it not been for the massive demonstrations surrounding the 2000 electoral process, which evidenced the fragility of the regime's mandate and the extensiveness of its abuse of authority at the same time that it prompted international condemnation of the regime, isolating it and depriving it of legitimacy" (page 240).

Conaghan 2005:  "A smoking gun was finally in hand, delivered to the public by legislators of the Frente Independiente Moralizador (FIM) [on September 14, 2000].  Congressman Fernando Olivera, leader of FIM, called a late-afternoon press conference...As Canal N broadcast live coverage, Olivera played the videotape" (page 228).  Describes contents of the video.  "The mystery of who betrayed Montesinos paled beside the impact of the video itself.  It was a bombshell.  In congress, members of the government caucus were speechless, at a loss for how to react...The fifty-six minutes of videotape substantiated what the opposition had been saying for years about the nature of the regime and the extraordinary role that Montesinos played" (page 229).  "(A) little more than forty-eight hours after the...video aired, Fujimori appeared on television.  For the first time, he acknowledged that his ability to govern Peru had been affected by the discord over reelection and the opposition's unwillingness to accept it.  Then he made the stunning announcement that he would ‘deactivate' the SIN, call for new general elections, and turn over power to a new government...Fujimori pledged that he would not be a candidate in the upcoming election" (page 232).  "On September 20, the armed forces high command finally expressed support for Fujimori and the projected transition...The tide was turning against Montesinos, but none of his colleagues, including Fujimori, could afford to abandon him altogether...On...September 24, Montesinos boarded a private jet in Lima...headed to Panama...Fujimori and the ‘oficialista' elite held on, looking for ways to reassert their control over the political process" (page 233).

Country profile.  Peru 2000:  "(T)he manner in which [Fujimori's] congressional majority was achieved gave rise to allegations that congressmen had been persuaded to change allegiance as a result of cash bribes, the granting of favours or the dropping of judicial proceedings.  These suspicions were confirmed in September when an opposition congressman, Fernando Olivera of the Frente Independiente Moralizador (FIM), obtained a videotape showing Mr Fujimori's security advisor and the ‘de facto' head of the SIN, Vladimiro Montesinos, handing over US$15,000 in cash to Alberto Kouri, a congressman elected under the Perú Posible banner, but who had subsequently defected to Perú 2000" (pages 7-8).

Country report.  Peru October 2000:  "On September 16th the president, Alberto Fujimori, called for new general elections to be held as soon as possible...Mr Fujimori also called for the feared [SIN] to be disbanded" (page 13).  "The videotape, which caused severe embarrassment to Mr Fujimori and undermined his position and control of the country, no doubt prompted his decision to call for new elections.  The decision may also have been taken in order to stave off the threat of military intervention...In the week following his announcement Mr Fujimori made it plain that he was not willing to relinquish power immediately and would continue as president until the next elections, ruling out the possibility of a transitional government.  Clearly concerned about rumours of a military coup, Mr Fujimori travelled to Washington at the end of September to garner support for his government and the democratic reform process" (page 14).

Keesing's record of world events September 2000:  "Cardinal Augusto Vargas Alzamora, the former Roman Catholic Primate of Peru and Archbishop of the capital, Lima, died on Sept. 4, aged 77.  Although an opponent of ‘liberation theology,' Vargas was noted for his combative relationship with the government [of] President Fujimori" (electronic edition).

Mayorga 2006:  "Due to the absence of institutionalized power structures, Fujimori's autocratic regime depended heavily on the secret service led by Montesinos.  As the SIN became the core of Fujimori's power, his political fate was closely linked with Montesino's scheming.  In the end, Montesinos became not only the guarantor of Fujimori's power but also the source of his ruin and downfall...The collapse of Fujimori's regime was not the result of the resurgence of a vigorous political opposition but of the scandal over a video that led to Fujimori's resignation and revealed how dependent he had become on the network of corruption that Montesinos managed" (page 149).

NotiSur September 22, 2000:  "Peruvian President Alberto Fujimori stunned the country when he announced on television Sept. 16 that new presidential elections would be held and he ‘would not be a candidate.'  The president also said he was dismantling the intelligence service (Servicio Nacional de Inteligencia, SIN).  Fujimori's decision followed release of a video on Sept. 14 showing de facto SIN chief Vladimiro Montesinos apparently paying a congressional deputy to change parties...Despite his pledge to call elections ‘as soon as possible,' Fujimori later said he plans to stay in office until next July, a prospect the opposition finds untenable.  The opposition wants Fujimori out quickly and a caretaker government installed until elections can be held...Adding to uneasiness about what was happening behind the scenes was the military's silence.  The top army posts have been filled with classmates of Montesinos, a former army captain, bypassing officers not aligned with the security adviser" (electronic edition).

Philip 2003:   "Faced with this revelation, Fujimori turned against Montesinos and ordered his resignation.  A power struggle then developed between the two" (page 171).


Conaghan 2005:  "In the midst of the Montesinos crisis, Gavíria flew to Lima.  In a meeting with Fujimori, cabinet officials, and congressional leaders, Gavíria made it clear that there was no room for maneuvering...The OAS talks quickly produced several agreements that laid the groundwork for new elections.  The date for presidential and congressional elections was set for April 8, 2001...New directors were named to take over the electoral machinery at the JNE, ONPE, and RENIEC" (page 239).

Keesing's record of world events October 2000:  "Montesinos returned to Peru on Oct. 23...His return, with apparent impunity, added to the impression that the armed forces were protecting him from arrest on corruption charges.  Fujimori responded by personally directing a security operation to locate Montesinos...In a further development in the affair, Fujimori on Oct. 28 sacked... the Commander of the Navy,...the Commander of the Air Force and...the head of the armed forces, all of whom were associates of Montesinos" (electronic edition).

Latin American monitor.  Andean group November 2000:  "Congress has approved radical reforms that pave the way for early elections and the formal termination of President Fujimori's term at the end of July 2001.  Under the plan, fresh elections would probably be held during the first half of April.  Congress is, however, also taking steps to prohibit the president serving two consecutive terms in office" (page 1).

NotiSur January 14, 2005:  "In October 2000, brothers Antauro and Ollanta Humala led 50 followers in a short-lived military uprising...The revolt failed to spark the wider rebellion the brothers had hoped for" (electronic edition).


Burt 2007:  "Once the regime collapsed and the interim government was established, political parties came to play a more central role in the political process...Civil society groups were increasingly sidelined from the political process, even though in Peru parties remained weak and fragmented" (page 241).

Conaghan 2005:  "By the time Fujimori arrived in Tokyo on November 17, he knew it was his final trip as president.  On the day of Fujimori's departure from Peru, the last domino fell.  With support from newly incarnated ‘independents' and former ‘tránsfugas' [turncoats], the opposition won the vote to censure and remove Martha Hidelbrandt as president of congress...On November 16, Valentín Paniagua, the respected veteran politician from the Acción Popular party, was sworn in as the new president of congress" (page 241).  "When [Federico] Salas emerged on the morning of...November 19, to confirm that Fujimori was resigning and remaining in Tokyo, it was no particular surprise...On November 21, congress rejected Fujimori's resignation and debated a motion to remove the president by reason of ‘moral incapacity'" (page 241).  "By a vote of sixty-two in favor, nine against, and nine abstentions, Fujimori was removed as president of Peru.  On November 22, 2000, Valentín Paniagua was sworn in as the new interim president of Peru" (page 242).

Country report.  Peru January 2001:  "Along with mass changes in the armed forces, Mr Paniagua moved quickly to reform other democratic institutions tainted by corruption in recent years.  The attorney-general...was sacked and the heads of Peru's electoral bodies replaced...The head of...(ONPE, the body charged with organising elections), José Portillo, resigned and was replaced by a respected political analyst, Fernando Tuesta.  The head of the...(JNE, the national electoral board), Alipo Montes de Oca, was replaced by Manuel Sánchez Palacios" (page 14).

Keesing's record of world events November 2000:  "In a dramatic development which stunned the country, President Alberto Keinya Fujimori, the longest-serving president in Latin America, exploited the opportunity of his attendance at the Asia Pacific Economic Co-operation (APEC) forum summit in Brunei to flee to Japan and to announce his resignation as President of Peru on Nov. 17...Fujimori's departure had been prompted by statements to the media by Vladimiro Montesinos...with whom he had been engaged in a protracted power struggle.  In his statements Montesinos had threatened to reveal the role of the President in ‘our shared history'...Following Fujimori's flight, Valentín Paniagua, 64, of the opposition [AP] party, was sworn in as interim President on Nov. 22...[As president of congress] Paniagua was..., under the terms of the constitution, the next in line to the presidency since First Vice President Francisco Tudela had resigned in October, and Second Vice President Ricardo Márquez had followed suit on Nov. 20" (electronic edition).

Latin American monitor.  Andean group January 2001:  "Because the two vice presidents had already resigned, the post of president has passed to congressional head Valentin Paniagua.  His main task, in conjunction with his appointed prime minister-former UN Secretary General Peréz de Cuellar-will be to steer the country towards fresh elections on April 8, with the new president due to take office at the end of July.  A member of the Popular Action (AP) party, Paniagua has only been leader of congress since the opposition regained control of the house in mid-November" (page 8).

McClintock 2003:  "(T)he opposition-controlled congress rejected Fujimori's resignation, declaring Fujimori ‘morally unfit' to serve and Peru's presidency vacant.  Fujimori's first vice president had already resigned and his second soon did as well; accordingly, the head of Peru's congress, Valentín Paniagua, became Peru's next president.  President Paniagua, an experienced constitutional lawyer and long-standing Acción Popular political leader, formed an effective government and presided over impeccable presidential elections" (page 161).

NotiSur December 22, 2000:  "Martha Hildebrandt, the fiercely loyal president of Congress, was fired, and the three vice presidents, all members of Fujimori's Peru 2000, resigned.  Many other members of Peru 2000 jumped ship, and the coalition, no longer with a majority in Congress, dissolved and reformed as Cambio 90-Nueva Mayoria, the name it used in the 1995 elections" (electronic edition).

Philip 2003:   "All of these scandals had the effect of inducing a number of congresspeople to defect from the Fujimori coalition and move over to the opposition.  The opposition was now in a position to take the view that the Fujimori government was illegitimate and had the votes to make this opinion tell.  On 16 November 2000, aided by defectors from the government, Fujimori's opponents won a decisive vote in congress" (page 171).


Country report.  Peru January 2001:  "Principal political reforms passed by Congress" (page 15).  "Electoral system:  The polls to elect Congress will be held using a multi-district electoral system, with seats assigned to specific areas (previous elections were based on a single national list).  This change should ensure greater representation for the provinces and increase accountability.  Registration process:  Political parties now need signatures from 1% of the total electorate, equivalent to around 120,000 voters, to register for elections, compared with the more than 500,000 names needed previously.  Bar on re-election:  Immediate presidential re-election is now forbidden.  Political advertising:  Once an election date has been set, the state cannot carry out any advertising except when necessary or for public information purposes.  In the final 60 days of a campaign, ten minutes of airtime will be set aside for parties competing in the presidential and congressional elections" (page 15).

Del Campo 2008:  "Hasta el 29 de diciembre del año 2000 (fecha en que fue modificado el artículo 21 de la Ley Orgánica de Elecciones) la legislación electoral peruana adoptaba el sistema de distrito electoral único.  En la actualidad, como consecuencia de la reforma, funciona el sistema de distrito electoral múltiple para la elección de congresistas, aplicando el método de la cifra repartidora" (page 147).

Latin American monitor.  Andean group January 2001:  "The new president has moved quickly to strengthen the government's position by attempting to purge the influence of Montesinos from the administration.  A total of 12 generals known to be loyal to Montesinos have been dismissed.  This move is designed to minimise the threat of a rebellion by the armed forces and also strengthen the government's credibility.  The probability of a coup attempt remains low, but the military could still destabilise the interim government...The difficulty for Peru is that democratic institutions, particularly congress and the judiciary, have been seriously undermined by the Fujimori administration and it will take time to restore their influence and credibility" (page 8).

NotiSur December 22, 2000:  "The Peruvian political scene has been completely rewritten since Fujimori won the controversial April election.  When Fujimori began his third term in August, he and Montesinos controlled the judiciary, electoral commission, and Congress, and they had the strong backing of the military.  Four months later, Peru has a new and well-respected interim president, Valentin Paniagua, and new elections have been scheduled for April 2000.  To prepare that process, Fernando Tuesta...has been appointed to head the Oficina Nacional de Procesos Electorales (ONPE).  More than 20 high-ranking military officers loyal to Montesinos have been forced to retire.  The independence of the judiciary is being rebuilt, and Congress is no longer the rubber stamp of the executive" (electronic edition).


Country report.  Peru January 2001:  "The presidential poll appears wide open and a record 17 candidates have put themselves forward...Mr Paniagua's government enjoys a broad base of support, but still faces a tricky few months in attempting to organise free and fair elections, to commence corruption investigations without compromising political stability and to reactivate the economy while narrowing the fiscal deficit.  Since September 2000...several reforms have been passed that increase the likelihood that the next elections will be conducted in a more open and fair manner than the highly controversial two-round election of April-May 2000.  These reforms have accelerated under Mr Paniagua.  The electoral bodies have new and more independent leadership, the constitutional tribunal has been reinstated, media freedom has increased, while the armed forces and the judiciary are steadily being purged of those with close ties to Mr Montesinos...The Perú 2000 coalition disintegrated rapidly after Mr Fujimori's departure.  The coalition was always united more by government patronage than by a common ideology or programme.  Mutual dislike between the leaders of Cambio 90-Nueva Mayoría and Vamos Vecino, two major parties in Perú 2000, will keep what is left of the coalition from reaching easy agreement on a common congressional list" (page 7).  "Presidential and congressional elections will be held on April 8th 2001, with a probable second-round in the presidential election in May.  The new government will be inaugurated for a five-year term on July 28th.  The deadline for candidates to register for the presidential election passed on Janary 8th.  A record 17 candidates have put their names forward.  The deadline for filing congressional lists is February 8th" (page 15).  Describes the presidential candidates (pages 15-16).

Degregori 2008:  "In stark contrast to Fujimori's fraudulent vote of the year before, in eight months Paniagua had organized a clean election.  He had sacked senior military officers corrupted by Fujimori's disgraced intelligence adviser Vladimiro Montesinos, launched a sweeping investigation into corruption under Fujimori, and set up a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to reconstruct the events that had transpired during the armed conflict of 1980-99" (page 265).

Dietz 2002:  "One of the primary tasks facing the Alejandro Toledo administration (2001-2006) will be to decide how to dismantle and/or reconstruct the laws and state agencies created to satisfy Fujimori's obsession with the control of power, including laws affecting the status of municipal empowerment, especially in Lima" (page 208).

Hunefeldt 2004:  "Previous presidential candidate Alejandro Toledo...declared candidacy under the banner of his Perú Posible party.  His principal opponents were Lourdes Flores, who had been a congressional deputy and was the first woman to make a serious run at the presidency, and former president Alan García, who had only recently returned from nine years of self-imposed exile in Colombia" (page 264).

Van Cott 2005:  "For the 2001 elections, the CCP and its affiliates negotiated directly with Toledo on a second Act of Commitment, which this time had the support of many more organizations...In addition to this formal commitment, two CCP leaders-Paulina Arpasi of Puno and Lorenzo Ccapa of Cuzco--were postulated as congressional candidates on the Perú Posible list...Three prominent CCP leaders also ran on the Union for Peru (UPP) list in Piura and Moquegua" (page 154).


Keesing's record of world events January 2001:  "It was announced on Jan. 8 that former President Alan García Pérez (1985-1990), who had fled Peru in 1992 and had been convicted, in absentia, on charges of corruption in 1995, had returned to the country from exile and announced his intention to contest the presidential election scheduled for April 8 as the candidate of the centre-left Peruvian Aprista Party (APRA).  In a further development, it was reported on Jan. 18 that the Supreme Court had lifted all arrest warrants against García following an earlier ruling of the Inter-American Court on Human Rights...that his conviction was spent under a statute of limitations.  In a separate development it was announced on Jan. 4 that the leaders of two political parties, [Somos Perú] and Democratic Cause, had decided to unify in order to contest the April presidential and legislative elections.  It was reported on Jan. 9 that the interim government of President Valentín Paniagua had announced the establishment of a Truth Commission, composed of church leaders and civil and military representatives, to investigate the fate of an estimated 4,000 Peruvians who had disappeared during an alleged ‘dirty war' conflict between security forces and leftist guerrillas during the 1980s and 1990s" (electronic edition).

Latin American monitor.  Andean group February 2001:  "There were fears that the April election would have to be postponed due to the difficulties in setting up the electoral machinery...So far nine political parties have qualifed for the April presidential election, but the [JNE] is proposing that several of the smaller groups, which have not so far garnered sufficient support to stand, should be allowed to merge.  It is, therefore, still possible that over 15 groups will be registered for the election" (page 8).


Country report.  Peru April 2001:  "A total of 1,690 people registered to run for Congress from 13 different political groups, although 13 candidates later pulled out.  Although no party is likely to gain a working majority in the next Congress, Perú Posible is the clear leader in opinion polls...Perú Posible can now count on the support of the Frente Popular Agrícola del Peru (Frepap), which since February has endorsed Mr Toledo and his party's candidates in the presidential and congressional elections" (page 16).

NotiSur March 9, 2001:  "On Feb. 25, the Jurado Nacional de Elecciones (JNE) confirmed the candidacy of 1,618 hopefuls for Congress.  JNE president Manuel Sanchez Palacios said about 15 million voters are eligible to choose a new president and 120 members of Congress on April 8...On February 23, Congress charged Fujimori with abandoning office and dereliction of duty and stripped him of the right to hold public office for 10 years...Fujimori remains in Japan, which has upheld his claim of Japanese citizenship and shown little inclination to aid Peru's efforts to return him to stand trial" (electronic edition).


NotiSur March 9, 2001:  "A month before the balloting, voters seem more interested in the scandal than the elections.  Of the eight presidential candidates, only three have any real chance of victory, and none is likely to win in the first round.  The race has come down to a contest between Toledo and Flores, with Garcia the potential power broker...If elected, the rightest Flores would be Peru's first woman president...Flores...has a record of opposing Fujimori.  But she also is the candidate most likely to capture the ‘Fujimorista' votes" (electronic edition).

April 8:  election

Degregori 2008:  "During the first round of voting, in April 2001, Toledo had made a clean sweep among the rural, poor, mostly native population that had borne the brunt of armed conflict.  In the 1980s, they had voted for the left, then for Alberto Fujimori.  Now they had finally had a chance to vote for one of their own" (page 264).

García Montero 2001:  "El candidato mejor situado en el inicio de la campaña de 2001 fue Alejandro Toledo, de Perú Posible, quien finalmente ganó la primera vuelta al conseguir el 36% del apoyo electoral.  Sin embargo, esta victoria fue vista como una derrota ya que unos meses antes Toledo parecía ser el gran favorito para ganar en primera vuelta sin necesidad de la celebración de una segunda" (page 431).

Hunefeldt 2004:  "Under the 1993 constitution, a presidential candidate needed more than 50 percent of the vote in order to win outright.  After the first round of balloting, which international observers declared to be honest and fair, Toledo was in the lead but had only 36 percent of the vote.  García and Flores finished in nearly a dead heat with around 25 percent each (splinter party candidates got the balance), but García's slight edge moved him on into a run-off against Toledo in early June" (page 264).

Keesing's record of world events April 2001:  Discusses the election.  "Provisional results of congressional elections also held on April 8 indicated that Peru Possible had secured 43 seats in the 120-seat Congress (the unicameral legislature) and 26 per cent of the popular vote, whereas Garcia's APRA had won 28 seats and 20 per cent of the popular vote" (electronic edition).

Latin American monitor.  Andean group May 2001:  "The president will take office on July 28 faced with a divided congress, in which no party has a majority.  Of 120 seats, the PP will have 45, APRA 27, UN 17 and the FIM 12" (page 8).

Latin American monitor.  Andean group July 2001:  "In the April 8 congressional elections the PP secured only 45 seats out of 120.  With the support of the FIM (11 seats) and the smaller parties Acción Popular (AP-three seats) and Renacimiento Andino (one seat), Toledo has since cobbled together a loose working majority of 60 seats.  APRA secured 28 seats and Lourdes Flores' Unidad Nacional (UN) 17, with five other parties taking the 15 remaining seats.  This small, fragmented unicameral congress means that Toledo could find it difficult to implement his government programme.  APRA will be the most important party in this respect and its behaviour in opposition could well be the most influential factor on the success or otherwise of government over the next five years" (page 8).

Legislación electoral del Perú:  elecciones generales 2001 2001:  Reproduces the electoral code governing the elections of April 8, 2001 and other information pertaining to this election.

McClintock 2003:  "In the first round of the elections in April 2001, Aejandro Toledo's Perú Posible won 37 percent of the valid vote to 26 percent for Alan García's [APRA] and 24 percent for Lourdes Flores's Unidad Nacional; four other parties garnered the remaining percentage" (page 161).

NotiSur April 20, 2001:  "Peru's nearly 15 million voters failed on April 8 to give any of the eight presidential candidates the necessary 50% plus one of the valid votes.  As expected Alejandro Toledo finished in first place, but former President Alan Garcia (1958-1990) upset Lourdes Flores Nano to take the second-place spot and ensure his participation in the runoff set for May 20.  Oficina Nacional de Procesos Electorales (ONPE) figures gave Toledo of Peru Posible 36.5% of the vote; Garcia of the [APRA] took 25.9%; Lourdes Flores Nano of Unidad Nacional finished third with 24.2%...International observers as well as national election monitors Transparencia praised the elections as fair...No party won an outright majority in Peru's 120-member national Congress, so the political groups will be forced to negotiate.  This year the country was divided into electoral districts, and for the first time voters chose lawmakers from their districts instead of electing at large.  Peru's 24 departments and the constitutional province of Callao were assigned a number of congressional seats proportional to their population" (electronic edition).  Gives unofficial results.

Van Cott 2005:  "Toledo's ethnic appeals were successful-he won an average of 50 percent of the vote in the southern Andean departments, pulling mainly from rural areas...Although Ccapa lost, Paulina Arpasi, a thirty-six-year-old Aymara woman from Puno, won a seat in congress.  As the first female indigenous leader in congress, Arpasi attracted abundant media attention...Prior to her election, the few Indians who served in congress were not affiliated with indigenous organizations or organized constituencies and did not champion ethnic issues" (page 155).  Gives additional details.

June 3:  second round election

Country profile.  Peru 2001:  "Mr Toledo won the second-round election on June 3rd, beating Mr García with 53.08% of the valid votes cast.  The election passed peacefully and was praised by international observers as clean and transparent, in sharp contrast to the tainted vote held one year earlier" (page 9).

García Montero 2001:  García "finalmente perdió frente a Toledo por una diferencia del 7% de los votos válidos" (page 431).

Keesing's record of world events June 2001:  "Thirteen per cent of the votes cast were left deliberately blank by voters, compelled to vote by law rather than abstain, who considered that both candidates were unfit to assume the presidency" (electronic edition).

Latin American monitor.  Andean group June 2001:  "With the presidential run-off between Alejandro Toledo and Alan García set for June 3, a growing number of voters have decided to cast a blank or spoiled vote in protest at both candidates" (page 1).

NotiSur June 15, 2001:  "After a campaign that grew progressively bitter, Alejandro Toledo was elected president of Peru, defeating former President Alan Garcia (1985-1990) in the June 3 runoff" (electronic edition).

June 12-13

Latin American monitor.  Andean group July 2001:  "The June 3 run-off presidential victory of Alejandro Toledo of Perú Posible (PP), who secured 54% of the vote, over his controversial rival, former-president (1985-1990) Alan García of (APRA), with 47%, should be the closing chapter in Peru's recent political turbulence" (page 1).

NotiSur June 15, 2001:  "Fernando Tuesta, head of the [ONPE], announced the final results on June 12, with Toledo of Peru Posible (PP) receiving 53.08% of the valid votes, while Garcia of the [APRA] received 46.92%.  The ONPE said 11.06% of the ballots were blank or null...About 19% of eligible voters stayed home, although voting is mandatory in Peru...The [JNE] officially proclaimed Toledo the winner on June 13" (electronic edition).

June 23-25

Keesing's record of world events June 2001:  Montesinos "was arrested by Venezuelan military intelligence officers...on June 23...Montesinos, who was extradited to Peru on June 24, faced more than 50 charges of drug trafficking, human rights abuses, blackmail, and money laundering" (electronic edition).


Adelman 2006:  "The heir to Fujimori was the little-known Alejandro Toledo, a former shoeshine boy turned economist.  Toledo promised to scrub clean the political system...But he assumed power at a time in which the Peruvian state had been stripped of much of its capacity to manage the crisis" (page 62).

Country profile.  Peru 2001:  "Principal political reforms passed by interim Congress, November 2000-July 2001" (page 10).

McClintock 2003:  "On July 28, 2001, Toledo was inaugurated president, with a five-year term" (page 161).

Van Cott 2006:  "Since taking office in 2001, President Toledo has stimulated a participatory process of constitutional reform, but indigenous organizations have seen their proposals ignored" (page 169).


Latin American monitor.  Andean group September 2001:  "On August 14 the heads of the army, navy and air force were replaced for the third time since the Fujimori scandal, and a sweeping reform of the defence forces is expected" (page 8).


McClintock 2003:  "On October 30, 2001, after a six-month investigation, Peru's attorney general accused Fujimori of illicit enrichment and embezzlement in the amount of $371,781, 872" (page 163).


Chávez López 2002:  "Consulta popular de Revocatoria de autoridades municipales del 25 de noviembre de 2001.  El proceso se llevó a cabo el 25 de noviembre del 2001...en 174 concejos distritales ubicados en 99 provincias de todos los departamentos del país" (page 214).


Degregori 2008:  "Toledo set up a Comisión Nacional de Pueblos Andinos, Amazónicos, y Afroperuanos...and put his wife at the helm.  But the commission failed to produce any substantial initiatives benefiting the indigenous and Afro-Peruvian population, focusing instead on Peru's indigenous past and present as a travel promotion tool" (page 278).

Van Cott 2005:  "On December 6, 2001, Toledo announced the installation of [CONAPAA]...A key goal of the organization was the preparation of a proposal for indigenous rights for the upcoming constitutional reform.  Indigenous organizations that were included were optimistic that they would have a greater say in this process" (page 164).

Van Cott 2006:  "In Peru, small, urban-based black organizations have little political presence but are included in the Toledo administration's National Commission for Andean, Amazonian and Afro-Peruvian Peoples.  They often work with the main indigenous organizations" (page 165).


Chacón Pagán 2005:  "En este artículo analizaremos cómo y con qué actores se desarrollaron las elecciones municipales del 2002 en [la provincia de Hualgayoc], comparándolas con las elecciones regionales y generales cercanas" (page 506).

Country report.  Peru October 2002:  "Campaigning is under way for the regional and municipal elections to be held on November 17th.  Some 11,000 candidates from 2,017 political groupings are vying for more than 1,800 mayoral posts and 25 newly created regional presidencies throughout the country...Former president Alan Garcia's Apra, former interim president Valentín Paniagua's Acción Popular, and former presidential candidate Lourdes Flores's Unidad Nacional are the parties expected to fare the best in the polls, while independent movements may also capture a large number of municipal and regional posts" (page 12).

Country report.  Peru January 2003:  "The president...bowed to popular pressure at the start of his presidency, promising to begin a process of political decentralisation quickly.  As a result, the complex process appears to have been rushed, and there is still some confusion over the regions' budgets and responsibilities.  Peru has been divided into 25 regions plus Metropolitan Lima, with each regional government comprising a president, vice-president and council.  Lima is not classified as a region but its mayor will have the same rank as the regional presidents" (page 12).

Davila Puño 2005:  "(D)ebido al poco éxito alcanzado en las elecciones municipales para el periodo 1999-2002, en el último proceso electoral municipal para el período 2003-2006 las organizaciones indígenas se han visto obligadas a buscar alianzas con otros movimientos o partidos políticos para poder participar en dichas elecciones" (page 36).

Dietz 2002:  "Starting in 2002, municipal elections will be held every five years instead of every three, meaning that municipal mayors will have the same term in office as the president but will compete in nonconcurrent elections" (page 225).

Van Cott 2005:  "(O)ne Amazonian indigenous organization [AIDESEP]...did launch its own electoral vehicle, MIAP.  It had only limited, local success, because it was unable to amass the resources necessary for registration and campaigning, and because of persistent fraud by local election officials loyal to other parties" (page 141).

Van Cott 2006:  "In 2002, MIAP was only able to register the party in one province; elsewhere it formed alliances with registered parties, particularly with Perú Posible...MIAP has been unable to collect fifty thousand signatures to register the party for elections above the municipal level" (page 177).


Del Campo 2008:  "En Perú, la ley No. 27.683 de elecciones regionales (27 de marzo de 2002) establece que las listas de candidatos de cada distrito deben incluir una cantidad no menor del 30% de mujeres o varones, y un mínimo de 15% de representantes de comunidades nativas y pueblos originarios de cada región donde existan, conforme lo determine el Jurado Nacional de Elecciones.  En las circunscripciones en que se inscriban listas con tres candidatos, por lo menos uno de ellos debe ser varón o mujer" (page 153).

Van Cott 2005:  "In 2002, President Alejandro Toledo enacted a decentralization law that reestablished regional government (the Law of Regional Elections No. 27683) (March 15, 2002).  A provision in the law required the reservation of 15 percent of the places on political party lists for municipal councils and regional assemblies for indigenous candidates (art. 12)" (page 166).  Gives additional details.


Davila Puño 2005:  "(E)l inciso 3 del artículo 10° de la ley 27734 [promulgated May 2002]...dividía al movimiento indígena en lugar de promover su participación en los procesos electorales" (page 36).  "La primera parte de ese dispositivo trata de favorecer la participación de la mujer en las listas de los partidos o movimientos políticos, estableciendo un cupo de 30% de participación.  Sin embargo, en aquellos lugares donde existía población indígena cualquier partido político tradicional podía cumplir con el requisito incluyendo en sus listas mujeres indígenas, con lo cual cumplía la exigencia legal.  El efecto más negativo de esta ley es que los partidos o movimientos políticos tradicionales convencieron a los dirigentes más notables de las organizaciones regionales con la finalidad de incluirlos en sus listas, descabezando así al movimiento político indígena que perdía sus principales cuadros políticos" (page 37).

Van Cott 2005:  "Ironically, the only institutional reform intended to improve the political representation of indigenous people-party list quotas requiring that 15 percent of candidates on party lists be indigenous, instituted for the 2002 regional elections-actually hurt fledgling indigenous parties, which now had to compete for candidates with other parties.  Lacking resources to launch their own vehicles and to surmount burdensome registration requirements, indigenous organizations made temporary alliances with the largest parties, most of which did not share their agenda" (page 141).


Country report.  Peru October 2002:  "In July leaders of the main political groups and representatives of churches and civil society signed a national accord, a 29-point agreement on long-term objectives for governance" (page 12).

November 17:  municipal and regional election

Chávez López 2002:  Se realizaron "las elecciones municipales generales en los 1829 distritos y las 194 provincias" (page 222).  "Elecciones regionales y municipales 2002" (pages 253-256).

Country profile.  Peru 2001:  "Peru held its first regional elections on November 17th 2002, at the same time as the municipal polls, as a step towards fulfilling Mr Toledo's promise to decentralise power.  Peru was divided into 25 regions plus Metropolitan Lima, with each regional government comprising a president, vice-president and council.  Lima is not classified as a region, but its mayor has the same rank as the regional presidents" (page 8).

Country report.  Peru January 2003:  "Peru held its first regional elections on November 17th 2002, at the same time as municipal polls...As expected, Mr Toledo's party, Perú Posible, fared badly in the elections, winning just one of the 25 regions...The centre-left party, Partido Aprista Peruano (Apra), of former president Alan García (1985-90) emerged as Peru's only party with truly nationwide appeal, winning 12 of the regional presidencies.  Overall, however, the results indicate a politically fragmented country" (page 12).  Gives additional details (pages 12-14).  "Results of regional elections, Nov 2002" (page 13). 

Davila Puño 2005:  "En el último proceso electoral ocurrido en noviembre del año 2002, se pudo observer que el MIAP no ha tenido mayor participación, motivo por el cual los distintos candidatos han tenido que participar a través de distintos movimientos o partidos políticos" (page 36).

Latin American monitor.  Andean group January 2003:  "As expected, President Toledo's party, Perú Posible (PP), was comprehensively beaten in the November 17 regional elections, taking just one regional presidency out of 25.  The main opposition party, leftist [APRA], boosted its support base, winning 12 regional seats, while a variety of independent coalitions took 11 presidencies, and Sómos Perú one" (page 1).  "Opposition leader Alan García will seek to make as much political capital out of the result as possible, while the new authorities will try to leverage greater power and resources from central government.  A political headache for the government, therefore.  However, the move is positive for Peruvian democracy, reversing a decade of centralisation.  It is also the case that the exact powers to be afforded to the new authorities has yet to be made clear" (page 6).

NotiSur November 22, 2002:  "In a setback for Peruvian President Alejandro Toledo, voters in regional elections backed opposition candidates as they elected 50 presidents and vice presidents of the new regional governments and 229 members of regional councils.  More than 1,800 mayors were also elected.  The elections displaced Toledo's Peru Posible (PP) from its leadership position among political groups in Peru...The primary purpose of the elections was to choose the leadership for the new decentralized structure.  The 24 former departments and the province of Callao have become 25 regions with much more local authority...In an election in which voting was mandatory, 15 million Peruvians cast their ballots in what was widely seen as a referendum on the president.  Toledo's PP captured only one regional presidency...The big winner was former President Alan Garcia...[APRA] proved to be the only party with nationwide organization and appeal...Garcia plans another presidential bid in 2006, making it unlikely that the Aprista party will cooperate with the Toledo government...In Metropolitan Lima, popular incumbent mayor Alberto Andrade was unseated" (electronic edition).  Gives additional results.

Van Cott 2005:  "The CCP and CNA participated in the 2002 regional elections through diverse alliances at the local and regional levels" (page 156).  "For the November 17, 2002, regional elections, MIAP was only able to inscribe the party in one province (Condorcanqui) in the department of Amazonas.  Around 1,000 independent political organizations registered for the 2002 contests-approximately twenty-two for the  regional governments, and another 947 for municipal offices" (page 175).


Hunefeldt 2004:  "Peru is divided into 24 departments and one constitutional province (Callao).  These are subdivided into 194 provinces, 1,828 districts, and 69,951 towns" (page 268).


Davila Puño 2005:  "De acuerdo a la nueva Ley Orgánica de Municipalidades N° 27972, promulgada el 26 de mayo del año 2003, las municipalidades o gobiernos locales son entidades básicas de la organización territorial del Estado" (page 17).  "La estructura orgánica de las municipalidades está compuesta por el Concejo Municipal y la Alcaldía" (page 18).  "De acuerdo al artículo 5° de la LOM, el Concejo Municipal provincial o distrital está conformado por el alcalde y el número de regidores que establezca el Jurado Nacional de Elecciones, conforme a la Ley de Elecciones Municipales.  En el caso de los Concejos Municipales de los centros poblados están integrados por un alcalde y 5 regidores" (page 19).

Hunefeldt 2004:  "(B)y May 2003 [Toledo's] approval ratings in national polls had fallen to 15 percent.  A widespread crisis developed late in the same month, when teachers, public employees, farmers, and health workers went on strike, shutting down transportation, public service, and health care in several regions" (page 265).

Keesing's record of world events May 2003:  "President Alejandro Toledo declared a 30-day nationwide state of emergency on May 27 in response to a wave of strikes and protests that had erupted in support of a national teachers' strike.  Twelve departments were placed under military rule as farmers, students, and public sector workers set up roadblocks in support of the teaching unions, which had commenced their strike on May 12" (electronic edition).


Hunefeldt 2004:  "In June [2003], Toledo declared a state of emergency and sent troops to put down the protests" (page 266).

NotiSur June 20, 2003:  "Peru's...Comision de la Verdad y la Reconciliacion said at a press conference at UN headquarters in New York on June 17 that the number of victims of political violence in the country between 1980 and 2000 could have been as high as 60,000 dead or disappeared, twice the original estimate" (electronic edition).


Country report.  Peru October 2003:  "In late July Peru formally asked Japan to extradite former president Alberto Fujimori on charges of murder and kidnapping, in connection to two massacres in the early 1990s...[Fujimori has indicated] that he intends to run for the presidency by launching a new movement, Sí Cumple" (page 15).


Country report.  Peru October 2003:  The CVR, "created to investigate the causes of two decades of political violence, released its final report in late August...Supporters said the report, with its recommendations, would help to bring justice to millions of victims and heal the wounds of decades of abuses that went unpunished.  However, critics said the commissioners, mostly left-leaning academics or human rights activists, were biased and even sympathetic to the guerrillas" (page 15).

NotiSur September 12, 2003:  "After two years of work, Peru's [CVR] issued its report Aug. 28.  It found that the number of victims exceeded 69,000...(T)hree of every four victims were campesinos whose first language was Quechua...The CVR attributed responsibility for 54% of the victims to Sendero Luminoso, for 31% to the security forces, for 13% to paramilitary groups and ‘rondas campesinas' or government armed and backed campesino militias, and for 1.5% to [MRTA]" (electronic edition).


Country report.  Peru January 2004:  "In October Congress passed a law designed to institutionalise, strengthen and oversee political parties.  The law proved controversial, and in the end was passed by only one vote" (page 14).


Del Campo 2008:  "(L)a Ley de Partidos aprobada en 2003 exige un mínimo del 30% de candidaturas femeninas en la lista general de elecciones y en los puestos directivos de los partidos, y este hecho ha iniciado tímidamente un proceso de revisión estatutaria en los principales partidos políticos peruanos" (page 163).


Keesing's record of world events December 2003:  "Beatriz Merino, the Prime Minister, was asked to resign on Dec. 13, after less than six months in office...Carlos Ferrero Costa, of the ruling centre-left [PP], was appointed Prime Minister in succession to Merino" (electronic edition).


Hunefeldt 2004:  In 2004 "corruption scandals force Toledo to replace cabinet members, vice president, and prime minister" (page 274).

NotiSur February 13, 2004:  "Repeated scandals have wrecked Toledo's ability to govern, causing his party's ruling coalition to break apart and lose control of Congress...Political parties and national organizations have gathered together to form the Acuerdo Nacional (AN)" (electronic edition).


Keesing's record of world events January 2004:  "Raúl Diez Canseco on Jan. 30 resigned as Vice President" (electronic edition).

October:  municipal election

Meléndez Guerrero 2004:  Detailed results and information on the election of October 17, 2004 and previous elections in El Collao, the province where the elected provincial mayor was assassinated on April 26, 2004.


Country report.  Peru January 2005:  "In late November the Consejo Nacional de Magistratura...turned down all five candidates for the chief of...(ONPE, the national electoral office) as they failed to satisfy the requirements for the post.  A day later, the current head of ONPE, Fernando Tuesta, who was one of the five candidates, submitted his resignation, which was refused.  Mr Tuesta has won respect since assuming the post in late 2000...and is credited with having cleaned up the agency, making it more transparent and independent of government influence" (page 15).


Country report.  Peru April 2005:  "Political parties have begun to position themselves for the April 2006 congressional and presidential elections.  Since it seems clear that no party can win the elections alone, most parties are drawing up plans to form electoral alliances.  Electoral alliances for the 2006 vote must be registered with the National Electoral Board by September" (page 15).


NotiSur January 14, 2005:  "An armed nationalist group, the Movimiento Etnocacerista (ME), seized international attention when it took control of a remote Peruvian police station in the town of Andahuaylas...Hostages were held for four days, from New Year's Day to Jan. 4...The leader was former army Maj. Antauro Humala" (electronic edition).


Country report.  Peru April 2005:  "The question of Mr Fujimori's possible candidacy in the 2006 presidential election appears to have been resolved.  In February Peru's Constitutional Tribunal rejected an appeal against the decision by Congress in 2000 to bar Mr Fujimori from public office for ten years from the date he fled to Japan" (page 16).


Country report.  Peru July 2005:  "In late March Mr Toledo signed into law the right of members of the armed forces and the police to vote for the first time since the republic was founded in 1821.  Congress passed the law in November 2004 and subsequently ratified it in a vote in early March 2005.  Members of the military and the police were long barred from voting out of fear that the armed forces as a bloc could influence national politics.  Serving members of the armed forces and the police are still prohibited from running for public office" (page 16).

Vargas León 2007:  "(M)ediante reforma constitucional aprobada por la Ley No 28480, publicada el 30 de marzo de 2005, se otorgó el derecho al voto a los miembros de las Fuerzas Armadas y la Policía Nacional" (page 235).


Country report.  Peru July 2005:  "In mid-April Congress failed to approve a plan to create an upper house...Peru had an upper house until April 1992, when Mr Fujimori closed Congress and suspended the 1979 constitution...Modifying the constitution to create a Senate would have required a two-thirds majority in two separate sessions of Congress" (page 16).


Country profile.  Peru 2006:  "A scandal surrounding the forging of signatures during the campaign to register Perú Posible for the 2001 elections almost led to an attempt to impeach Mr Toledo in May 2005.  The main opposition parties stopped short of doing so since none of them could be sure of controlling the outcome of the process" (page 8).

Country report.  Peru July 2005:  "Peru's Congress voted in May 2005 to send to the attorney-general a legislative report accusing the president, Alejandro Toledo, of directing a campaign to forge signatures to register his political party, Perú Posible, for elections in 2000.  Only 46 congressmen voted to take action against Mr Toledo, and 57 voted to forward the report to [the] attorney-general without approving its contents, thereby avoiding taking a formal position" (page 13).  Gives further details.

Keesing's record of world events May 2005:  "Congress...on May 20 voted by 57 votes to 47 against impeaching President Alejandro Toledo on charges of participating in the alleged forgery of signatures required to register his ruling center-left party, [PP], for the 2000 presidential election...The former armed forces and army commander Gen. (retd) Nicolas de Bari Hermoza Rios was sentenced on May 16 to eight years in prison after being convicted on charges of embezzlement that took place during the regime of former President Alberto Fujimori" (electronic edition).

NotiSur May 13, 2005:  "Three Peruvian congressmen issued a May 3 report accusing President Toledo of taking part in a criminal scheme to forge signatures to register his political party, Peru Posible (PP)" (electronic edition).


Country report.  Peru July 2005:  "According to the...(JNE, the national election board), 27 parties are registered to participate in the April 2006 presidential and congressional polls, and six more could obtain registration, which would make the field the largest ever in the country's history.  Since no party appears to be able to win outright, plans are being drawn up to form electoral alliances; these must be registered with the JNE by September...(ONPE, the electoral authority) has set November 10th as the deadline for presidential and congressional candidates to register...Although the Constitutional Court has ruled that the former president, Alberto Fujimori (2990-2000), cannot stand for the presidency, he appeared in a campaign video shown on state television for his Movimiento Sí Cumple, which is registered for the 2006 congressional poll.  The ONPE, which administers the polls and grants free advertising for registered parties on state television, was criticised harshly by opponents of Mr Fujimori for allowing him a campaign slot" (page 15).


Keesing's record of world events August 2005:  "The country's worst political crisis since President Alejandro Toledo took office in 2001 was triggered on Aug. 11 when Prime Minister Carlos Ferrero Costa resigned in protest after Fernando Olivera Vega...was appointed as Foreign Minister...On Aug. 16 President Toledo announced [the appointment of]...Pedro Pablo Kuczynski as Prime Minister" (electronic edition).


Country report.  Peru October 2005:  "Polls indicate that no party will win a majority in the next Congress.  Indeed, an unprecedented 29 political parties have registered, threatening to fragment Congress even more than at present.  On September 29th Congress approved an amendment to the Political Parties Law that would set a minimum threshold of 4% of valid votes on a national level for parties to obtain seats in the 120-seat legislature...Parties can also gain representation if five legislators from that party are elected within more than one electoral district.  In subsquent congressional elections, a threshold of 5% of the vote, or six legislators, will apply.  The bill must be approved in a second round of voting to become law, but this requirement can be waived if the heads of the diffferent party blocs agree" (page 15).  "Lawmakers also amended the Political Parties Law to require any elected officials, including mayors and regional presidents, to resign six months before the April 2006 election...if they wanted to run for the presidency" (page 16).


Country profile.  Peru 2006:  "Following the passing of a law in Congress in October 2005 restricting representation in Congress to parties that have obtained a share greater than 4% of the vote..., the number of parties in Congress is expected to fall to around five in 2006-11.  Both of the parties in the governing alliance, the PP and the FIM, are likely to be excluded from the next Congress as a result" (page 9).

Country report.  Peru January 2006:  "In October [Valentín Paniagua] presented his Frente del Centro, an alliance of his party, Acción Popular, Somos Perú, led by former Lima mayor, Alberto Andrade, and a new party, the Frente de Independientes" (page 14).  "In a referendum on October 30th Peruvians in 15 of 16 departments (there are 26 departments in total) overwhelmingly rejected a proposal to create five macro-regions from those 16 departments as part of a decentralisation process started by Mr Toledo's administration.  A lack of information and a ‘No' campaign by the Apra party were cited as reasons for the defeat of the new macro-regions" (page 15).

Degregori 2008:  "In October 2005, 16 departments and regions held merger referendums...Spearheaded by the APRA, those voting ‘no' garnered 69.1 percent of the vote, while ‘yes' proponents obtained a mere 22.9 percent" (page 277).

NotiSur October 14, 2005:  "Fugitive ex-President of Peru Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000) has announced his intent to run in next year's presidential election.  In an Oct. 6 press conference in Tokyo..., Fujimori stated his intent to stand in April's ballot...The candidacy-filing deadline is in January, and Peruvian election authorities should determine his eligibility then.  Polls have shown Fujimori to be the most popular candidate for president at the moment...A majority of Peruvians, however, hate the ex-president for his authoritarian policies and the widespread corruption during his term" (electronic edition).

Vargas León 2007:  "Mediante Resolución No 303-2005-JNE del 13 de octubre de 2005, el Jurado Nacional de Elecciones estableció el número de escaños parlamentarios que corresponde a cada Distrito Electoral, de acuerdo a la actualización del padrón realizada por el Registro Nacional de Identificación y Estado Civil (RENIEC)" (page 238).


Country report.  Peru January 2006:  "The Frente del Centro officially announced Mr Paniagua as its presidential candidate in late November" (page 14).

Latin American monitor.  Andean group January 2006:  "Alberto Fujimori, Peru's former authoritarian president, returned to Latin American soil on November 7 after five years of self-imposed exile in Japan.  Revered and reviled-Fumimori's arrival in Chile has reignited passions in both camps.  Fujimori is wanted in Peru on 20 charges, including financial corruption and the sanctioning of death squads, but despite this, we cannot discount the genuine possibility of his political resurrection" (page 1).  "Fujimori is banned from holding office until 2011 but his supporters say that this ban is unconstitutional.  Ultimately, the election board has the power to accept his candidacy and may feel obliged to do so if his support continues to grow" (page 4).

NotiSur November 18, 2005:  Alberto Fujimori "left his five-year exile in Tokyo on Nov. 6, flying into Santiago, Chile.  He appeared to believe he could stage a run for the Peruvian presidency from the Chilean capital, but, within hours of his arrival, Chilean police arrested him, and Peru's government scrambled to file extradition proceedings against him in Chile's courts...On Nov. 2, Fujimori signed a document at the Peruvian consulate in Tokyo that showed he was creating an alliance between his political party, Si Cumple, and two others-Cambio 90 and Nueva Mayoria...The move was aimed at allowing the three groups to present candidates on one list" (electronic edition).

Vargas León 2007:  "El arribo del ex Presidente Alberto Fujimori a Chile en noviembre...jugó un papel importante en la campaña.  Su intención de ser candidato no prosperó por estar inhabilitado por el Congreso desde el 2000.  Sin embargo, afectó el hecho de que Flores y García no marquen distancia del prófugo ex Presidente.  Humala, por su parte, no sólo propuso juzgar severamente a Fujimori sino también criticó a Chile por no agilizar la extradición" (page 224).


Country profile.  Peru 2006:  "By the December 2005 deadline, a record 23 candidates had registered for the presidency, of whom only three appeared to have a serious chance of victory" (page 8).

Country report.  Peru October 2005:  "(P)olitical parties have until December 10th to register alliances with the electoral authorities, and until December 19th to select their presidential candidates" (page 14).

Country report.  Peru January 2006:  "In early December it was announced that [Ollanta Humala, a retired army officer] would stand as candidate of the Unión por el Perú (UPP), a centre-left party, rather than his own Partido Nacionalista, which did not obtain registraton from the [JNE]" (page 12).  "Mr Humala's spectacular rise has recalled the way in which the outsiders, former president Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000) and the incumbent Alejandro Toledo swept past more experienced rivals to capture the sympathy of Peruvian voters in elections in 1990 and 2000 respectively.  Mr Humala...appeals to a large percentage of Peruvians who have not felt the benefits of strong economic growth under Mr Toledo's government" (page 13).  "Mr Toledo's Perú Posible (PP) announced in early December that it had named Jeanette Enmanuel, who owns a natural foods business, as its candidate for president...Amid partisan bickering, Ms Enmanuel withdrew her candidacy on December 9th.  PP opted to replace her with Rafael Belaúnde Aubry, son of a previous president...The PP is expected to lose the majority of its seats and its candidate is unlikely to perform well in the presidential election" (page 14).


Vargas León 2007:  "En la elección presidencial del 2006, se presentaron 20 fórmulas de candidatos (compuestas cada una de ellas por un candidato a la Presidencia y dos candidatos a las Vicepresidencias de la República), las cuales surgieron como resultado de los procesos electorales desarrollados al interior de los partidos políticos.  Estos procesos electorales partidarios se desarrollaron entre el 11 de octubre y el 19 de diciembre de 2005...Tres fueron los candidatos que concentraron las preferencias electorales:  Alan García Pérez, ex Presidente de la República de 1985 a 1990, postuló a un segundo mandato y por segunda vez consecutiva con el Partido Aprista Peruano...Lourdes Flores Nano postuló también por segunda vez consecutiva con la Alianza Electoral Unidad Nacional...Ollanta Humala Tasso, postuló por primera vez como candidato del partido Unión por el Perú" (pages 222-223).  "Unidad Nacional es una alianza electoral, conformada para las Elecciones Generales del 2006, por el Partido Popular Cristiano, Solidaridad Nacional y Renovación" (page 236).


Keesing's record of world events January 2006:  "The [JNE] on Jan. 10 rejected former President Alberto Keinya Fujimori's attempts to contest presidential elections...JNE officials cited a decision by Congress...in February 2001 which disqualified Fujimori from holding public office for 10 years" (electronic edition).

NotiSur January 27, 2006:  "Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez raised the ire of the Peruvian government in January with comments on the electoral campaign underway in Peru.  Peru's President Alejandro Toledo ordered his ambassador home after Chavez publicly praised and met with nationalist presidential candidate Ollanta Humala of the Partido Nacionalista Peruano (PNP), while attacking Humala's main competitor, Lourdes Flores Nano of the Unidad Nacional (UN) party...Humala has repeatedly denied suggestions that he has accepted campaign funds from Chavez's government, something that would be illegal under Peru's election laws...The April 9 race, which looks to be contested by a record-breaking 23 presidential candidates, will also include Valentin Paniagua of the Frente de Centro, Rafael Belaunde of Toledo's Peru Posible (PP), Susana Villaran with Concertacion Descentralista, Martha Chavez of the Alianza por el Futuro, Pedro Koechlin of Con Fuerza Peru, and former President Alan Garcia (1985-1990) of [APRA].  All of them currently trail Flores and Humala by a significant margin...Former President Fujimori's efforts to enter the race came to a complete end with the Jan. 10 decision by the [JNE] to bar him from running...A major question in Peru's race is what will happen with the large contingent of pro-Fujimori voters set adrift by the JNE" (electronic edition).

Vargas León 2007:  "Para enero de 2006, la campaña se polarizó entre Flores y Humala...La campaña de García estuvo dirigida a atacar la candidatura de Flores y tener un discurso más cercano a Humala, en la primera vuelta.  Entre  García y Flores, el primero tenía un discurso más creíble para los sectores populares" (page 225).


NotiSur October 20, 2006:  "The leader [Victor Polay] of a Cuban-inspired guerrilla group [MRTA] that grabbed the world's attention nearly 19 years ago with a takeover of the Japanese ambassador's residence was...sentenced to 32 years in prison in a civilian retrial [on March 21]" (electronic edition).

April 9:  general election

Country profile.  Peru 2007:  "Congress in 2006-11" (page 9).

Country profile.  Peru 2008:  "The daughter of a former president, Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000), Ms [Keiko] Fujimori was elected to the Peruvian Congress in April 2006, winning her seat by the highest margin of all candidates in the 2006 elections" (page 11).

Country report.  Peru July 2006:  "Congress in 2006-11" (page 14).  Gives the number of seats won by each party/movement.

Degregori 2008:  Toledo "left a number of ticking time bombs in his wake.  The first to explode was represented by Ollanta Humala.  A radical nationalist outsider, not to mention a follower of Hugo Chávez, Humala surprised everyone by taking first place during the first round of voting in April 2006.  His candidacy served as a conduit for long-simmering grievances between rich and poor, between urban and rural Peru, between Lima and the provinces, and between the northern coast and the central region on one side and the Andean south and Amazonia on the other...The electoral map after the first round reflected this division almost exactly and signaled the total collapse of government parties.  The FIM disappeared, while PP obtained just 4 percent of the vote" (page 283).

NotiSur April 21, 2006:  "Voters in Peru's April 9 presidential election handed the most votes to nationalist Ollanta Humala, but the name of the opponent he would face in a runoff was still unavailable ten days after the vote.  The numbers for former President Alan Garcia (1985-1990) and Lourdes Flores were extremely close...Election officials, blaming the Easter holiday for delays in the count, said they expected 100% of the results to be available the week of April 24-28...The face of the Partido Nacionalista Peruana (PNP), also known as the Union por el Peru (UPP), Humala is riding on a wave of popular resentment against the administration of President Alejandro Toledo as well as resentments against larger economic powers in the region" (electronic edition).  Gives details of preliminary vote counts.

NotiSur June 16, 2006:  "After the election, Humala-allied deputies were the largest single force in the body, holding 45 of 120 seats.  Garcia's APRA has 36 and the UN holds 17 seats.  The party of exiled ex-President Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000), the Alianza por el Futuro, has 13 seats, and minor parties hold the remaining nine seats" (electronic edition).

Schmidt 2007:  Discussion of election.  "Official results of the presidential election in Peru, 9 April and 4 June 2006" (page 818).  "Official results of the congressional elections in Peru, 9 April 2006" (page 818).

Torres Seoane 2008:  "Resultados electorales 2006.  Provincias de los departamentos de Puno y Piura y distritos de las provincias de Morropón y Chucuito" (pages 181-184).

Vargas León 2007:  "Resultado de las elecciones presidenciales 2006-1ra. vuelta" (page 225).  For twenty participating groups gives the total number of votes and the percent they constitute of valid and total votes cast.  Also gives the numbers of blank votes, null votes, and the total number of votes cast.  "Cabe señalar que las elecciones presidenciales se realizan simultánamente con las elecciones congresales.  El porcentaje obtenido por los partidos en ambas elecciones no es significativamente diferente.  En las elecciones congresales, Unión por el Perú, el Partido Aprista y Unidad Nacional llegaron obtener el mayor número de escaños, seguidos de Alianza por el Futuro, Frente de Centro, Restauración Nacional y Perú Posible, este último partido del gobierno saliente que no presentó candidato a las elecciones presidenciales" (page 226).  "(P)articiparon en las Elecciones Generales de 2006 138.156 policías y militares" (page 235).  "Breve biografía de los candidatos" (pages 235-236).  "Breve historia de los principales partidos" (pages 236-237).  "Sistema electoral" (page 237-238).  "Elecciones al Congreso 2006:  número de congresistas por circunscripción" (page 238).  "Sistema político" (page 238).

April 19-20

Latin American monitor.  Andean group May 2006:  "With 82.6% of the votes counted at the time of going to press, Humala of the Unión por el Perú (UPP), had won 26.38% of the vote, according to the Oficina Nacional de Procesos Electorales (ONPE)...Humala's rise is symptomatic of the anti-establishment sentiment in Peru...There is no doubt that Humala was this campaign's outsider in a country not unfamiliar to the ‘outsider effect' in its presidential campaigns-both Alejandro Toledo and Alberto Fujimori were relative outsiders before coming to office" (page 1).  "With less than one percentage point between them, it is very difficult to predict which of García and Flores will face Humala in May.  Given that Flores' support base is concentrated in Lima and most of the results still to come in are from the outlying provinces, García may well sneak ahead of her.  However, at the same time, most of the votes cast by Peruvians overseas are yet to be counted and here Flores has the advantage" (page 2).  "Leading the pack preliminary results" (page 3).  Gives the percentage of the votes cast for each of 21 parties in this election.

NotiSur April 21, 2006:  "As of April 19, the [ONPE] had counted 91.6% of the vote...Humala's tally of 30.77% of the total was insurmountable for his two closest competitors, giving him more than 3.5 million votes, while Garcia and Flores each took between 2.7 and 2.8 million votes...As of April 20, there were approximately 1.6 million blank votes, 417,000 nullified votes, and 884 impugned votes of a total of about 13.6 million votes.  All Peruvian citizens of voting age were required to vote in the election, though the group Transparencia estimated abstention at 10.77%...For a period after the polls closed, APRA officials sought to annul the vote coming in from foreign polling stations...The foreign vote heavily favored Flores...The biggest loser in the April 9 vote could arguable be the electoral authority that was unable to provide a conclusive result in a timely manner...The [JNE], the country's top electoral court, blamed the ONPE for delays in the ballot-counting process" (electronic edition).


NotiSur May 5, 2006:  "The official results of Peru's April 9 presidential election were finally released May 3, with former President Alan Garcia Perez (1985-1990) barely beating former congressional deputy Lourdes Flores Nano for the second-place spot in a runoff election...Garcia...and Humala...will now vie for the presidency in a second round of voting June 4.  Flores...had presented various appeals and objections to electoral authorities, all of which failed.  She conceded defeat on May 3...Flores, 46 and in her second failed campaign to become the country's first woman president, had a hard time deflecting depictions of herself as the candidate of Peru's rich, white elite.  The final count left Humala with 30.6% of the vote, Garcia with 24.3%, and Flores with 23.8%.  Flores trailed Garcia by about 64,000 votes out of about 12.3 million valid votes" (electronic edition).

Vargas León 2007:  "En esta segunda vuelta electoral, la estrategia de García fue ganar los votos de las personas que apoyaron a Flores.  Las duras críticas formuladas por García a Flores en la primera vuelta electoral dieron como resultado un incremento del rechazo hacia su candidatura en los lugares donde ganó Flores.  En la segunda vuelta, se produjo un cambio de actitud del candidato García, quien se presentó con un discurso más moderado y conservador.  Ello llevó a que los medios de comunicación apoyaran abiertamente su candidatura" (page 226).

June 4:  second-round election

Country report.  Peru July 2006:  "Alan García...defeated Ollanta Humala...in the second round of the presidential election on June 4th.  According to...[ONPE] Mr García received 52.6% of the valid votes compared with 47.4% for Mr Humala.  Around 8.5% of the votes were either left blank or spoiled...Despite an aggressive second-round campaign, rife with political mud-slinging, voting took place without incident" (page 12).

Latin American monitor.  Andean group July 2006:  "Former president Alan García looks to have claimed victory in the second-round of Peru's aggressively fought elections.  With 83.96% of the vote counted, García had won 54.69% of the vote, while nationalist rival Ollanta Humala trailed close behind on 45.31%...Many Peruvians voted for the former president as the lesser of two evils" (page 1).

NotiSur June 16, 2006:  "In Peru's second-round presidential election on June 4, former President Alan Garcia Perez (1985-1990) won a new five-year term that begins July 28...The size of Garcia's lead declined as the final tallying was completed from June 5-13.  By the end of ballot counting, Garcia's lead was fewer than 700,000 votes, 5.25% of the valid votes...The final count gave Garcia 6,965,017 votes and Humala 6,270,080...Almost 16.5 million Peruvians were able to vote and required by law to do so, but only 14,468,049 votes were cast, of which 157,863 were blank and 1,075,089 were nullified, leaving 13,235,097 valid votes" (electronic edition).  Gives additional details.

Schmidt 2007:  Discussion of election.  "Official results of the presidential election in Peru, 9 April and 4 June 2006" (page 818). 

Vargas León 2007:  "Alan García ganó las elecciones con el 52,63% de los votos válidos.  Para ello, su agrupación obtuvo más del doble de los votos obtenidos en la primera vuelta electoral (la diferencia de votos entre García y Humala fue de 694.937 que equivale al 4,8% del total de votos válidos)" (page 227).  "Resultado de las elecciones presidenciales 2006-2da. vuelta" (page 228). 


Country profile.  Peru 2007:  Alan García "was inaugurated as president on July 28th and will govern Peru until July 28th 2011" (page 6).

Country report.  Peru October 2006:  "Mr García appointed Jorge del Castillo, a veteran congressman who is also a prominent member of his Partido Aprista Peruano (Apra), to serve as his prime minister" (page 11).

NotiSur August 18, 2006:  "Former president of Peru Alan Garcia Perez (1985-1990) returned to office on July 28...In the Congress, Mercedes Cabanillas, a member of Garcia's [APRA], won the presidency of the 120-member legislative body...Opposition parties did not field candidates" (electronic edition).


Vargas León 2007:  "El 3 de agosto de 2006 entró en vigencia la Ley 28859 que suprime las restricciones civiles, comerciales, administrativas y judiciales a los omisos al sufragio" (page 235).


NotiSur September 15, 2006:  "A Peruvian judge indicted former Army officer and presidential candidate Ollanta Humala on charges that he oversaw human rights abuses as commander of counterinsurgency forces in the 1990s, court officials announced Sept. 1.  This puts Peru's top opposition figure in jeopardy of imprisonment and will likely contribute to his decline in political strength in the near term...Members of the Union por el Peru (UPP) coalition say the charges constitute political persecution rather than legitimate allegations" (electronic edition).


NotiSur October 6, 2006:  "Former spymaster of Peru Vladimiro Montesinos received a 20-year sentence for authoring a scheme that delivered 10,000 combat rifles to the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC)" (electronic edition).

NotiSur October 20, 2006:  "A Peruvian court sentenced several top figures from the Maoist rebel group Sendero Luminoso (SL) on Oct. 13, finding leader Abimael Guzman and his partner Elena Iparraguirre guilty of terrorism and sentencing them to life in prison" (electronic edition).


Country profile.  Peru 2007:  "The opposition was weakened significantly in late November 2006, when the UPP formally ended its alliance with the Partido Nacionalista Peruano (PNP)...The UPP's decision to break with the PNP was attributed to Mr Humala's erratic behaviour while campaigning ahead of the November regional and municipal elections" (page 8).

November 19:  municipal and regional election

Country report.  Peru July 2006:  "Elections will be held on November 19th to elect regional presidents for Peru's 25 regions (including the constitutional province of Callao) and for mayors and councilmen of around 1,800 municipalities nationwide" (page 14).

Country report.  Peru January 2007:  "Regional and municipal elections were held on November 19th 2006, in which the party of the president, Alan García,...fared poorly, despite the good standing of hs government.  The party won only three of the 25 regional presidencies, with nine incumbent Apra regional presidents losing their positions.  The elections for regional governors, as well as for mayors of Peru's 195 provinces and 1,637 districts, were considered to be a gauge of the degree of popular support for Mr García's government...Mr García's main political rival also fared poorly in the vote.  The [PNP] of left-wing opposition leader, Ollanta Humala,...failed to win a single regional presidency...Independent movements were the biggest winners, taking control of 20 of the country's 25 regional presidencies.  They were also successful in the municipal elections, winning various mayoral positions in large cities...The November elections were marred by violence.  Election result disputes turned violent in more than 50 districts around the country and balloting material was destroyed in 34 districts" (page 12).  Gives further details.

Vargas León 2007:  Es derrotado el "Partido Aprista en las Elecciones Regionales y Municipales de noviembre de 2006, el cual en el 2002 obtuvo la presidencia en 22 regiones y ahora sólo en dos" (page 234).


Keesing's record of world events December 2006:  "Former President Alejandro Toledo was charged on Dec. 18 with participating in a scheme to forge signatures in order to register his [PP] party for elections in the late 1990s...In a separate development, LT-Col (retd) Ollanta Humala Tasso...was on Dec. 26 charged with rebellion for his alleged role in the siege of a police station in January 2005" (electronic edition).


Vargas León 2007:  "El país se divide administrativamente en 25 regiones, 195 provincias y 1.831 distritos.  En todos estos ámbitos se eligen autoridades.  La máxima autoridad es el Presidente de la República, el cual es elegido junto con dos Vicepresidentes, en distrito electoral único.  De forma simultánea se eligen a los Congresistas de la República en distrito electoral múltiple...En cada una de las 25 regiones, se elige a un Presidente y Vicepresidente Regional...A nivel provincial y distrital se eligen Alcaldes y Regidores" (page 234).  "El artículo 31o de la Constitución Política del Perú señala que el voto es personal, igual, libre, secreto y obligatorio hasta los setenta años" (page 235).


Latin American monitor.  Andean group July 2007:  "Following the closure of parliament and the dissolution of the bicameral congress in 1992 by former president Alberto Fujimori, the Peruvian legislative was reinstated as a unicameral system in 1993, and is currently composed of 120 congressmen.  Recently however, there has been a movement to restore the bicameral nature of congress, which has led a constitutional commission to approve this proposal in late May.  The proposed measures would see the re-installation of the senate (upper house), which would be composed of 50 senators, bringing the total number of congressmen to 170.  Deputies in the lower house are elected by district, and the senators would be chosen by the national electorate" (pages 1, 4).  Gives additional details on the discussion.


Country report.  Peru October 2007:  "The government's response to a major earthquake, which struck southern Peru on August 15th, has dominated the political scene and boosted the sagging approval ratings of the president" (page 12).


NotiSur October 5, 2007:  "On Sept. 21, Chile's highest court ordered that former Peruvian President Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000) be returned to Peru to face human rights abuse and corruption charges...Shortly after the CSJ's decision, Chilean authorities transported the 69-year-old Fujimori to the Peruvian border, where police from his home country took him into custody...Chile's decision sets a precedent as the first extradition of a former Latin American leader from within the region...Fujimori's daughter Keiko [leads] his political movement in Peru's Congress...Garcia's ruling coalition includes Fujimori's Alianza por el Futuro, which has 13 seats in the 120-member Congress...Fujimori's brother, Santiago Fujimori [is] a member of Congress...Fujimori...[retains] a following in Peru for his economic and security successes, and his party is the country's fourth-largest" (electronic edition).


NotiSur January 11, 2008:  "A top Peruvian court has sentenced former President Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000) to six years in prison in the first of several trials on human rights and corruption charges against him.  On Dec. 11, the court handed down the sentence" (electronic edition).


Country report.  Peru February 2008:  "Keiko Fujimori, a congresswoman and Mr Fujimori's daughter, has announced the formation of a new political party, Fuerza 2011, ahead of Peru's 2011 presidential election...She has pledged to gather one million signatures to approve the formation of the party; it is widely expected that the party will consist mainly of existing AF members" (page 9).

NotiSur September 5, 2008:  "From January to June of 2008, there had been 132 social conflicts...During the same six-month period, 53 social demonstrations took place, continuing a rising trend.  Defensora del Pueblo officials have had to intervene as mediators on 78 occasions to avert violent clashes between demonstrators and the security forces" (electronic edition).


NotiSur September 5, 2008:  "Protests by farmers and indigenous communities in the second week of July were joined by a mass demonstration by teachers, construction workers, and state employees in Lima and several other cities and towns" (electronic edition).


Keesing's record of world events August 2008:  "Congress...on Aug. 22 repealed (by 66 votes to 29) two decrees signed by President Alan García Pérez that had prompted angry protests by indigenous communities in the Amazon region.  Under the decrees, part of some 30 new laws enacted by García under Peru's Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the USA, indigenous communities would have been allowed to sell or lease their native (and energy-rich) land in the Amazon basin if local community assemblies approved land transfer deals by a simple majority vote.  Under existing legislation, the approval threshold for such deals was set at 66 per cent" (electronic edition).

NotiSur September 5, 2008:  "A growing number of protests against the administration of Peru's President Alan Garcia led to a declaration of a state of emergency in several departments in August after indigenous groups seized petroleum and natural-gas facilities.  The indigenous groups were fighting to overturn presidential decrees that would have allowed tribes to sell their lands to private interests, a measure required under the terms of the free-trade agreement (FTA) that Peru and the US ratified...On Aug.22, Peru's Congress voted to repeal the two land laws aimed at opening up Amazonian tribal areas to development" (electronic edition).


Country report.  Peru November 2008:  "The standing of the administration of Alan García and his party...has been damaged by a major corruption scandal, dubbed ‘petrogate,' which was exposed in early October.  The scandal, which involved the alleged bribing of Apra party members in exchange for the award of lucrative oil contracts, led to the resignation of the entire cabinet including its popular prime minister, Jorge del Castillo, on October 19th.  A new prime minister, Yehude Simon, was appointed on October 11th" (page 9).


Country report.  Peru December 2008:  "Despite slumping approval ratings, Mr García publicly confirmed in November that he would like to run for a third term as president.  Under the constitution, Mr García is not allowed to stand as a candidate in 2011.  However, if he were to sit out a term, he could run again in 2016" (page 9).